Editorial
OKUAMA/IGBOMOTOROU/ THE MILITARY: A SPRING OF BITTER TRUTHS.
OKUAMA/IGBOMOTOROU/ THE MILITARY: A SPRING OF BITTER TRUTHS.
By Tobouke JEMINE
It is a painful, tormenting, and devastating separation from life. The mortalities on both sides will be hard for the mourning mornings and uneventful evenings to forget. Again, our sympathy and condolences to the families, loved ones, friends, colleagues and well-wishers of the departed souls.
About two days ago, while responding to the military version of a dear brother regarding the present fate of Okuama and Igbomotorou on a WhatsApp Town Hall, I said to him that, the sticks of a bunch of broom used to kill a fly may appear united, but by their lengths, or widths, or colours, or positions you may discover that the dirt of guilt is not smeared on all the sticks.
No one with a sane mind will justify the gruesome killing of the military doves. Countless times, that awful act against the official men of arms will be condemned. And numberless times, let the haphazard and amateurish retaliation of the army against those human habitations be condemned as well.
There are people in Okuama and in Igbomotorou, I choose to believe, who may not fight a just war, even if they are pushed or legally backed. They are probably among the victims now. Should such peaceniks suffer torture ,loss and death on account of the sins of others? Are we taking precedence into consideration when we burn the crops and the weeds together because they are from the same soil?
I’m sure not every child, not every pregnant woman, not all the aged, not all the sick, not all the elders and not even all the youths in Okoloba and Okuama give lethal endorsement as the best means of resolving the land dispute, talk less of endorsing the murder of a military peace-mission. Yet the professional empathy of the armed forces looked away from these facts and launched retaliatory actions against Okuama, and more unfairly, Igbomotorou. How just is that?
I came across a legal statement made by the renowned and formidable lawyer and human rights activist, Femi Falana concerning the military reprisal, where he said:”Nigeria domesticated the Geneva Convention in 1960 and under Article 33 of the the Geneva Convention, collective punishment is prohibited. Innocent people cannot be attacked, even in a war situation.” And that is enough to settle this case in a sane clime.
But we are still in that continent and in that society that was once notoriously dominated by military dictatorships, and they brutalized at will, destroyed impulsively, decreed death with impunity and give no place to national conscience in their dealings.That horrible background is still influencing the foreground of military operations in our country till date.The military in societies without the appalling experience of military dictatorships don’t talk and act like our own men of arms.
In this country, we have soldiers go online boasting that they can-do-and-undo. They claim to be mightier than the Law that established that institution and spelt out their functions and obligations. They put civilians through cruel indignities. They want civilians to see them as demigods. They want even our innocence to tremble at their presence, treating civilians as if they are subordinate citizens, and as if they are less human.
Once upon a time the Nigerian military had the mentality of ruling this country successively… but certain civil weapons were deployed to recreate that mindset — the military reunited with her constitutional place as protectors of the sovereignty of this country and guardians of the life, property and dignity of the citizens, leaving AsoRock for civilians. Those civil methods are needed again to give the army further schooling in military-civilian relationship.
There is obviously the need to present a bill in our national law-factories to stop military bombardment of communities over the crimes of individuals or groups. Culprits should be professionally fished out and made to face the interpretation of the Law of the land. Even if the king of a kingdom commits crimes against the state or the army, he and he alone, or he and his accomplices should be the ones to answer the questions of the Law, not the entire land. Slaying the innocent and destroying properties that have the mark of Legal Passover on them because of some criminals is cruel, crude, brute and barbarous.
Criminal elements that can bring this sort of military doom to a family, a community or a clan are not fated to Okuama and Igbomotorou alone. Your community can make the next news headline for a similar fate. But if we feel that it is right for the military to take down a whole community because of the iniquities of some persons, then a day will come, and it is already here, when we will be discouraged from building houses and setting up businesses in our ancestral homes — and finally we will end up seeking safety in another man’s land. May that day never manifest when humanity is still drawing life’s meaning from acquatic wonders and from the Breath of the Sea.
I dare to emphasize that, Might is not a synonym for Justice.Military terrorization and subjugation of coastal communities in the Nigerdelta has always been the triumph of Might, not Justice; only Machiavellian stratagem, biased exteriority — and probably with a pricking internality — will make us to say the contrary.
We condemn the reprisal attack, not just because of the innocents in Okuama, but because it has been the manner and method of the Nigerian Military Force whenever a crime of this nature is perpetrated in coastal Niger Delta. History is replete with proofs.
One of my maternal communities, Agge in Ekeremor LGA of Bayelsa State was unfortunate with the military. It was burnt down on August 4th, 2009 by the army based on an unverified information that some Agge youths were among those who carried out crimes against the state. This peace-loving people woke up to the savegeness of the military on that day without any premonition of the doom that awaited their Innocent Sleep.
MEND’S Camp 5 and others were stationed in the creeks far away from communal habitations, but when the military invaded Gbaramatu Kingdom in 2009, Oporoza, Ekenrenkoko, Kurutie and others were not spared, they were razed in the guise of manhunting the Priest of Nigerdelta and the MENDists. How fair?
Today, if you go to that my maternal community by the Atlantic Ocean, there are military checkpoints where you will have to put out your hands in the air before further passage will be granted you. And yet the same disdainful treatment is not given to travellers in the north where bandits commit all sorts of atrocities against civilians and the military.
I was in a northern town of recent where we heard exchange of gunshots between the army and bandits both day and night, yet I didn’t get to witness road users being harassed, or the town being invaded or turned to detritus.
Many crimes have been committed against coastal Nigerdelta, and the Nigerian civil populace in Nigeria by the military, yet no measure of justice has been meted out against that institution. They have pauperized, rendered homeless and killed thousands of innocent souls in their search for criminals in littoral Nigerdelta and gone scot-free. Today, if our cry is limited to justice for the gruesome killing of the military pacifists, and not to the innocents in Okuama, Igbomotorou and nearby communities, we should know that we are not sincere, fair and just in this issue.
Those who are one-sided on this issue like Governor Oborevwori and Henry Daniel-Ofongo, an indigene of Igbomotorou, and former Member, Federal House of Representatives, who are not addressing the savage retaliations of the military, are sure saying that those civilians killed indiscriminately and extrajudicially are not human enough and that there is a law in this country that permits the military to kill at will and raze a community over an individual sin. That is too tormenting to humane and sane sensibilities to deal with.
Thanks to Prof. Benjamin Okaba who stood for justice; the lawyer and human rights activist, Liborous Oshoma who spoke Truth to power, and the Urhobo youth leader, Blessed Ughere who while condemning the killing of the military officers, also cried out against the murderous return of the military against his people. I feel ashamed that our own man from Igbomotorou whose community is not the actual scene of the act was speaking trash on a national television. The likes of Ofongo are wrong voice for the Ijaw cause.
Let not the innocent go down for the crimes of the guilty; let the innocent live that he may preach the Beauty and Precepts of a Society where Justice is highly prized to his children and his children’s children.
Hate me if you wish, but I beg you not to hate the Truth I speak here, because you may need this same Truth by your side one day.
Karma, I like to say, is not a myth.
The wisdom of Jesus Christ will forever be relevant: “Do unto others what you would like to be done unto you”.
By Prof. Ben Binebai
Today we embark on a journey through the annals of history, to unravel the mystique of the 12-Day Revolution, a central event in the Ijaw freedom struggle. Like a phoenix rising from the ashes, Isaac Jasper Adaka Boro, an Ijaw freedom fighter, declared the Niger Delta Republic in 1966, igniting a flame that would burn for generations. He is a Nigerian nationalist and military officer. Isaac Adaka Boro was born on September 10, 1938, in Oloibiri, Bayelsa State, to Pepple Boro, a school headmaster. He excelled academically, earning his First School Leaving Certificate with distinction and later passing the West African School Certificate Examination at Hussey College, Warri, in 1957. Boro’s activism began as a student leader at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, where he championed for the rights of minority groups. Isaac Boro’s 12 day revolution was ignited by ijaw conditions of subalternity and Sisypheannism in Nigeria.
The Ijaw Struggle: A Saga of Subalternity
Ijaws have been subalterns, subjected to the whims of colonial governance to this era of post-colonial governmentality under the control of fellow countrymen. In Greek mythology, Sisyphus was cursed to roll a massive boulder up a steep hill, only for it to roll back down each time he reached the top, forcing him to start anew. This cycle of pushing the boulder up the hill, only to see it roll back down, is a potent symbol of the Ijaw people’s struggles Like a Sisyphean task, we have pushed the boulder of oppression up the mountain, only to see it roll back down, crushing our spirits.. Just like Sisyphus, the Ijaw nation has faced numerous challenges and setbacks in her quest for justice and equality. Despite efforts to push forward, we often find ourselves back at the starting point, with little to show for our struggles. This Sisyphean connection between Ijaw and Sisyphus can be seen in various aspects of the Ijaw struggle, including:
1. Environmental degradation: Despite their efforts to protect their environment, the Ijaw people continue to suffer from oil spills, gas flaring, and other forms of environmental degradation.
2. Marginalization: The Ijaw people have been marginalized and excluded from decision-making processes, despite their significant contributions to Nigeria’s economy.
3. Lack of infrastructure: Despite their efforts to demand better infrastructure, the Ijaw people continue to suffer from poor roads, inadequate healthcare, and lack of access to basic necessities.
4. Violence and militarization: The Ijaw people have faced violence and militarization, with their communities often being the site of conflicts between security forces and militant groups.
I SAAC Boros 12 day revolution is also influenced by preceding phases of ijaw struggle in which Ijaw towns were destroyed along with their vocal voices of liberation in one form or the other. These stages have produced four period set of liberation fighters. From 1895 when King Koko took up arms against the oppressive Royal Niger Company of the British to this era of the struggle; the Ijaws of the Niger Delta have put in 130 years of liberation struggle. The first period of struggle lasted for 45years (1895-1940) the period from Dappa Biriye 1940 to Isaac Boro revolution of 1966 took 26 years. From the Boro revolutionary epoch of 1966 to the era of the Ijaw youth’s declaration of freedom at Kaiama up to this time (2025), the struggle has recorded another 55years.
Today, let us strongly remember the first people who fought for the liberation of the Ijaw nation. They were the traditional rulers and prominent chiefs of the colonial era. The Opobos under king Jaja, the Nembes under King Frederick Williams Ofrimalekeleke Koko, King Ibanchuka of Okrika, the Oborotu of Iduwini under the military command of Taiyan, Ayakoromo under the Ondukus and Agias and Chief Ambakederemo of Kiagbodo. The setting of this period in history is the 19th and 20th centuries. Precisely between the early 1880s to the first four decades of the 20th century. These struggles brought nothing but devastation to Ijaw clans and communities.
Let us also remember educated Ijaw sons, patriots and nationalists Ernest Ikoli, a veteran politician and journalist, Chief Harold Dappa Biriye, Chief F.H.E. Brisibe, OFR, Chief George Albert Weikezi, Harris Ozeke, Prince H E. Odoundiri, Chief Edwin Kiagbodo Clark, , Sam Timinipre Owonaru, Captain Nottingham Dick, His Royal Majesty King Alfred Diete Spiff Pastor power Ziakede Aginighan Professor Christopher Dime, Professor Kimse Okoko, Dr. Amba Ambaowei, Alaowei Broderick Bozimo, Chief DSP Alamieyeseigha, Frank Opigo, Captain George Amangala, Chief Anthony Francis Oladipo Engurube, Barrister Oronto Douglas etc Their approach was characterized by political representation and intellectual persuasion.
Why Isaac Boro declared Niger Delta Republic:
On February 23, 1966, Boro declared the secession of the Niger Delta from the rest of Nigeria, citing neglect and underdevelopment despite being the hub of oil production. He formed the Niger Delta Volunteer Force, composed of young men from various Ijaw clans. The revolution lasted 12 days before federal forces defeated them, and Boro was jailed for treason.
The 12 day revolution was an epic battle against the politics to control the liquid gold economy by the Nigerian political hegemonic philistinic and ethnocentric collaborators. Isaac Boro’s declaration has a separatist spirit, temper and manifesto. This is because it is not a struggle for recognition within Nigeria but a struggle to own and operate a separate independent nation. This present phase of freedom struggle is a further embodiment of the proverbial 12 days Revolution of Boro. The 12 days revolution after all is twelve days in time length but it has countless generational penetration. The revolution that started in 1966 is still on today.
Primarily, the 12 day revolution is about neglect and underdevelopment. Despite being the hub of oil production in Nigeria, the Ijaw area is neglected. This negligence resulted in pathological and wide spread poverty, environmental degradation and lack of basic infrastructure. It was further propelled by resource control, greater control of the resources of Ijaw nation which advocated for a more equitable distribution of revenues derived from the areas natural resources.
The 12 days revolution also highled the struggle for minority and oppressed peoples rights and privileges in Nigeria, seeking greater recognition, representation and liberties. The Revolution is also about expression of political and economic anxieties. The best way to explain this is the awareness of the strong feeling of marginalisation, balkanisation, exclusion and subalternisation. The revolution is also inflamed by Ijaw national sentiment. It was driven by a strong sense of nationalism and a desire for self-determination. He sought to assert the republics autonomy and control over its god given resources.It a struggle based on the vision for Ijaw self-actualisation through the use of arm. Focussing on separatism nationalism. Interestingly, Adaka Boro’s struggle produced Boroism as: A philosophy, ideology, theory, principle, movement, politics, psychology And Literature of Ijaw struggle which has sustained the Ijaw struggle to date. It a revolution based on control of the oil in Ijaw land. ,
Observably, oil, is the why Nigeria is united by disunity and disunited by unity, it is what makes Nigeria great; ironically, it is what disunites Ijaw and her neighbours. It is the reason for the nation’s development and the reason for the underdevelopment of the Niger Delta. It is the reason for the unity of major ethnic nations and the reason for the criminal balkanization of the Ijaws. It is the reason Nigeria is tyrannised by lopsided beauty and judgement, held firmly by titanic and acidic corruption and corrupted pathologically by greedy totalitarianism. It is the reason for many forms of violence – political, ideological, historical, psychological, geographical, and epistemic violence. It is the reason for Ijaw subalternity and ‘Sisypheannism’, the reason for perpetual political domination, economic cannibalism, and what Esiaba Irobi called political attackancy in his seminal drama, and Hangmen also die (Binebai 4).
The Niger Delta which was declared a republic by Isaac Boro is hitherto, a hotbed for major confrontations between its people and the Nigerian military. Its freedom fighters have experienced extrajudicial executions, arbitrary detentions, and brutal violation of rights to freedom of expression, association, and assembly due to protests against the activities of multinational companies and hegemonic subjugation. The scope of this lecture mandates me to reflect also on the gains and pains of the Isaac boro 12 day revolution.
Gains of the 12 days Revolution
It brought about Resource Control Awareness: Boro’s revolution raised awareness about the need for resource control and equitable distribution of oil revenue. Boro’s 12 days revolution inspired future generations, including Ken Saro-Wiwa, P.Z Aginighan DSP Alamieyeseigha. The revolution highlighted also the struggles of minority groups in Nigeria and the need for greater recognition and representation. It contributed to the creation of Rivers state and even Bayelsa State. It gave cultural identity and agency to the ijaw nation. It prepared the way for the emergence of new set of dependable leaders like Tompolo and other Niger Delta activists.
As a researcher, I have sought to capture the essence of Tompolo’s remarkable story, plaiting together historical context, and political analysis to create a distinctive representation of a leader who has defied conventions and redefined the boundaries of possibility. I explored the central instants, judgments, and relationships that have fashioned Tompolo’s trajectory, and to distill the lessons and insights that have made him an iconic symbol in contemporary Nigerian politics.
Pains of the 12 days Revolution
Loss of Life: Boro’s revolution was short-lived, and he was eventually killed in action during the Nigerian Civil War in 1968. Several towns and villages across the ages have been burnt and destroyed and many lives lost.
Despite Boro’s efforts, the Niger Delta region continues to face marginalization, environmental degradation, poverty and unfulfilled Promises: The federal government’s promises of development and resource control remain unfulfilled, fueling ongoing agitation in the region. Let me state clearly that Ijaw is strongly facing 30 problems in Nigeria. Betrayal, Inter-ethnic wars, discrimination, segregation, nepotism, ethnocentrism, sectionalism, Subalternization. Underdevelopment, invisibility, poor leadership, environmental degradation Oil pollution, gas flaring, lack of infrastructure, unemployment, poverty, marginalization, exclusion from decision-making processes, cultural erosion, language endangerment, historical injustices, land grabbing, displacement from ancestral lands, human rights abuses, suppression of self-expression, limited access to education, inadequate healthcare, corruption, institutionalised oppression.
Some of the major Unending Problems of Ijaw Nation are: Political balkanisation- divided into several states for oppression and exploitation, economic subjugation and dislocation- we cannot control our wealth, ecological degradation, post-colonial governmentality- how structures of power regulate and undermine Ijaw growth in Nigeria, Marginalisation- we suffer discrimination, limited access to education, health care, underrepresentation, legal legislative and constitutional tyranny. Subalternisation – social exclusion Invisibility, Lack of voice and agency. These problems are interconnected and have been perpetuated by a complex web of historical, economic, and political factors. Addressing these challenges will require a sustained and collective effort from the Ijaw people, their neighbors, and the Nigerian government.
The Ijaw experience of Sisyphean connection highlights the need for a new approach, one that recognises the futility of the current cycle of struggle and seeks to break free from it. It emphasizes the importance of finding new ways to address the challenges faced by the Ijaw people, rather than simply pushing the same boulder up the hill. By acknowledging the Sisyphean nature of Ijaw struggle, we can begin to explore new strategies and approaches that can help them achieve their goals and break the cycle of futility. As a subaltern tribe, the Ijaw people have been marginalized and excluded from positions of power and influence. Our voices are often silenced or ignored, and our concerns are dismissed as inferior or unimportant. This subaltern status has contributed to our Sisyphean existence, where we are forced to repeatedly push against the weight of oppression, only to see our efforts seemingly undone.
The need for new methods for the Ijaw freedom struggle.
Apart from: – Shift from Armed struggle, armed confrontation to non-violent civil disobedience, broadening the support base by building a more inclusive movement beyond the Ijaw ethnic nationality, efforts towards sustainable development and environmental justice, emphasis on political strategies. Through lobbying and institutional channels, leveraging legal and institutional channels, internationalization of the struggle by seeking support and solidarity from the global community. And embracing religion, the religion of the Ijaw ethnic nationality, I propose Ijaw psychological unity, it will bring strength in numbers, coordinated strategy, shared vision and purpose, resource mobilisation, international support, collective resilience against suppression, bridging differences and presenting a cohesive front.
In the annals of Nigerian history, few events have captured the essence of resistance and defiance as the 12-Day Revolution of Isaac Adaka Boro. This pivotal moment in the Ijaw struggle for self-determination and resource control continues to inspire generations of activists, scholars, and freedom fighters. As we reflect on the gains and pains of this revolution, we are reminded of the enduring power of courage, conviction, and collective action in the face of oppression. By acknowledging Ijaw as a subaltern Sisyphean tribe, we can begin to understand the depth of our struggles and the need for solidarity and support. It emphasizes the importance of listening to our voices, amplifying our concerns, and working towards a more just and equitable society.
The 12-Day Revolution of Isaac Adaka Boro may have been short-lived, but its impact on the Ijaw struggle and Nigerian history is indelible. As we honour the legacy of this courageous leader, we are compelled to continue the fight for justice, equality, and self-determination. May the spirit of Boro’s revolution inspire us to build a more just and equitable society, where the rights and dignity of all people are respected and protected. The revolution may be over, but the struggle continues.
Voice of the Niger Delta, 2021.
By Divine Perezide
Prominent Niger Delta figure and former militant leader, Government Oweizide Ekpemupolo — widely known as Tompolo — has voiced strong optimism that suspended Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, will soon reclaim his position.
Speaking during his birthday celebration held on Saturday in the Gbaramatu Kingdom, Warri South-West Local Government Area of Delta State, Tompolo addressed the ongoing political tension in Rivers State and affirmed his belief in Fubara’s return.
Governor Fubara was suspended in March under contentious circumstances, following a directive from President Bola Tinubu. In his place, Ibok-ete Ibas was installed as a sole administrator to oversee the state’s governance for a six-month interim period.
Addressing guests at the event, Tompolo highlighted the unity and determination of the Ijaw Nation, declaring:
“We have only one state, and our focus remains on Bayelsa. If you think power lies solely in being president or governor, and you attempt to undermine Bayelsa, you will face consequences.”
He also expressed the strength and support shared among people of the region, adding:
“One of us is stronger than twenty. Our brother, the governor of Bayelsa State, no matter our political disagreements—will always have our support.”
Turning his attention to Fubara’s situation, Tompolo expressed confidence in a peaceful resolution, saying:
“Even in Rivers State, our son Fubara will return to his rightful place. Dialogue and understanding will prevail.”
Reflecting on the political events that led to Fubara’s rise to office, Tompolo noted that the Ijaw people had been sidelined during that process. He pointed to former Rivers Governor Nyesom Wike’s pivotal role, saying:
“Wike is my friend, but when he chose Fubara, no Ijaw man was involved or consulted. Yet, here we are standing for truth.”
Fubara’s suspension, along with that of other elected officials, emerged from a deepening rift between him and Wike, his predecessor—a feud that continues to influence the political climate in Rivers State.
By Prof. Binebai
Oporoza, Delta State – In the depths of the sacred and ancient Aziza forest, where the voices of the ancestors are said to echo through the trees, and the winds awaken the Pacific tides with their fury, a figure was born—not merely of flesh and blood, but of divine purpose. In times when the waters of the Niger Delta roared with strife and resilience, a name began to rise—a name spoken in both reverence and awe: Government Oweizide Ekpemupolo, known spiritually as Igologolo, Odokorikodo, Ite, Eferekirikpon.
Described by followers and observers as “a mortal vessel of divine purpose,” Ekpemupolo’s story is interwoven with the identity of the Ijaw people and the broader Niger Delta struggle. From a land shaped by both abundance and adversity, his emergence is seen not just as historical, but spiritual—a symbol of the unwavering will of a people who have endured waves of challenge and yet remain standing, proud and unbroken.
“In the heart of the pregnant ancient Aziza forest, where whispers of the gods still linger… a legendary figure emerged from the womb of the land itself,” many recount, evoking the spiritual depth of his origin. To his people, he is not merely a man—he is a force, a bearer of vision, a spirit chiselled from the trials of a restless region.
As the Niger Delta continues to navigate the complexities of development, environmental justice, and self-determination, the legacy of Government Ekpemupolo—fondly known as Tompolo—remains a living testament to the strength and spirit of the Ijaw nation. A mortal, yes—but one whose purpose, many believe, is touched by the divine.
Happy 54th Birthday to the GOC!