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PRESS RELEASE: Itsekiri Plan To Resist Egbema Protest, Senseless; A Ground For Another Crisis In Warri.

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Nigerians Should hold Gov. Oborevwori Responsible, Should They Make Good Their Threat.

Being Text Of A Press Release By Egbema Youth Council ( EYC).

The threat by the Itsekiri Consultative Congress led by one Edema Collins Oritsetimeyin, a PDP Stakeholder in Warri North Local Government Area to resist the Egbema Ijaw planned protest against Gov Sheriff Oborevwori’s unjustified exclusion of the Ijaws of Warri North Local Government Area, in nominating two Commissioners from Warri North do not come to us as a surprise. But it’s a further affirmation of their mistaken belief that the Council belongs to only the Itsekiris, yet cannot find the population to make an homogeneous local government. Our population is only good to increase their voting strength but not good for appointment and development!

This, we no longer find shocking anymore.

Protest is a Fundamental Human Right and any group with legitimate reason need is free to do so without any disturbance. In fact the Supreme Court of Nigeria has affirmed this in the case between Gen. Muhammadu Buhari and others versus the Federal Government of Nigeria, after the Police attacked the the protesting Buhari and his All Nigerian People’s Party (ANPP) members, on the grounds that they didn’t obtain a police permit before embarking on the protest. The supreme court held that, not only are Nigerians free to embark on protest without any prior notice or permission from security agents, but the police on hearing any protestation MUST provide security cover unsolicited for those protesting. It’s therefore, a settled matter by law. We need not take permission from the Itsekiris or the apparently bias government Sheriff Oborevwori (whom by his act we won’t be wrong to deem the in this matter), and a suspected enemy of the progress to the development of Egbema Ijaw people.

We would not have responded to the publication of the Itsekiri group issued on Thursday, July 20, 2023, but we are doing so, to put the records straight for the general public and as a notice to the whole world that, that publication we saw has all the imprematu of Government support for the aggression from our Itsekiris neighbors of Warri North. The quest waiting for an answer remains; will the Government of Rt. Hon. Oborevwori now be the enabler of the aggressions and avoidable violence in Delta State? One of the governor’s aide was busy circulating the offensive story of the Itsekiri group to resist us. What are they resisting us for? For demanding for Justice in Warri North, from a government we all worked hard to install?

We want to put on record that “history does not repeat itself but people do repeat history.” We want the unguided Itsekiri group to read the history of the Warri crisis. *What caused the Warri crisis? It was the unjust relocation of a local Government headquarters created for the Ijaws of (present day Warri South West LGA) and the burning down of Chief E. K. Clark building by a group of Itsekiris mercenaries at his Warri GRA home when the Ijaws protested against the unjust relocation. The Ijaws protested against the government at the time and not Itsekiri people. So, what was the offense of the Ijaws? “A dog that wants to get lost in the jungle, will never hearken to the voice of the hunter”. This is the case of the government of Oborevwori with this brazen injustice with his adamance to reverse himself, even when he has been ask(ed) to reverse do so.

*We therefore, want to put on record that our planned protest is NOT against Itsekiri people of Warri North but the Delta State Government of Rt. Hon. Sheriff Oborevwori* and so, there’s no need for any group to make the threat to attack us. Whichever group decides to do so should be very ready as we won’t bow to cheap blackmail by mischief makers, not even the Governor.

Now, the issues raised in their publication are resources Itsekiris spent on the election. Their claim to have spent more resources in terms of money is to stand truth on the head. Most of the money spent came from the State PDP, via the Government and individuals donations on the side of Ijaws and the Itsekiris. If more Itsekiris contributed, it means they are men favoured by successive governments to the detrimental perennial abandonment of the Ijaws. The Itsekiris were contestants to the House of Assembly and Senate from the council. So, when you contest election it’s expected that more fund(s) will come from your end. The second issue raised is Votes cast. Let the Itsekiris state the votes during the Presidential Election and the Senate. The true figure of votes in accordance with BVAS is there, which is expository to their bloated voter population. We will not say anything about the Governorship because we know what happened and especially since the matter is before the court.

*Our Resolved Position:*

a. That we have four Federal Wards in Warri North as against the Itsekiri Six Federal Wards an as such they cannot take the two Commissioners slot in Warri North.
b. That it’s against the Federal Character principle as provided in *Chapter II, section 13 subsection 4 of the 1999 constitution.* The essence is to avoid the dominance of one ethnic group at the government level.
c. That we gave Gov Oborevwori our four wards in the election just as Itsekiris gave their six wards, and hence we deserve the fruit of our labour.
d. That the votes that came from Warri North are collective votes and as such the government must reflect that collective nature, and cannot alienate us by giving the two Commissioners slot to only Itsekiris who already have the State House of Assembly member. These are very clear issues.
e. That the Itsekiris constantly having the state assembly member and even now cannot in all fairness have both commissioners.
f. That politics is a game of interest but perennially ignoring the interest of your neighbours is witchcraft and a call to anarchy.

The DSS and the government knows that our agitation is justified except the mischief makers who are bent on a direction to cause trouble.

Therefore, by asking the DSS to arrest Egbema Right Activist, Francis Abulu Esq. is to stand the truth on the head and to further exacerbate the problem.

Therefore, we submit that “peaceful rebellion becomes a lawful thing when it’s against oppression.” Our protest is against the Government of Sheriff Oborevwori and not Itsekiris, and must hold except Mr. Governor do the needful.

Signed:

Comr. City Kelvin Eferusuoa, President Egbema Youth Council ( EYC)

Mr. Ekpokeme Governor, Secretary Egbema Youth Council (EYC).

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The Legendary Ikoli’s Legacy Rekindled as Eselemo Highlights Ijaw Roots of Nigerian Journalism at IPF Inauguration

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By Favour Bibaikefie

WARRI — The enduring legacy of Ernest Sisei Ikoli took centre stage last Thursday in Warri as prominent Ijaw leader, Prince Collins Eselemo, a politician, foremost Ijaw nationalist and an advocate for Resource Control, declared that Nigerian journalism was built on foundations laid by Ijaw pioneers.

Speaking at the inauguration of the new National Executive Council of the Ijaw Publishers’ Forum (IPF), Eselemo asserted that the history of journalism in Nigeria cannot be told without acknowledging Ikoli’s towering contributions.

Ikoli, born in 1893 in Twon-Brass, present-day Bayelsa State, is widely recognised as one of the founding figures of modern Nigerian journalism. He became the first editor of the Daily Times of Nigeria in 1926, shaping public discourse during the colonial era through bold editorials and nationalist advocacy.

At the IPF second inauguration ceremony held last week at Ogbe-Ijoh, Warri, Eselemo maintained that Ikoli’s role in the nationalist struggle and media development underscores what he described as the intellectual heritage of the Ijaw people. He noted that Ikoli’s early association with John Payne Jacksonat the Lagos Weekly Record helped sharpen a nationalist press culture that later influenced a generation of political leaders.

Historical records show that Ikoli founded The African Messenger in 1921 before later editing The Daily Service, the mouthpiece of the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM), which he co-founded alongside Hezekiah Oladipo Davies and J.C. Vaughan. The NYM later attracted nationalist figures including including Nnamdi Azikiwe and Obafemi Awolowo.

As president of the NYM, Ikoli was elected into the Legislative Council in 1942 and 1946, where he advocated educational reforms and greater Nigerian representation in governance. His philosophy of “one Nigeria, one Africa, one destiny” reflected a pan-African outlook that transcended ethnic lines.

Eselemo’s remarks at the IPF ceremony come amid renewed conversations about the contributions of minority ethnic groups to Nigeria’s political and media history. He urged contemporary publishers to emulate Ikoli’s courage, professionalism and commitment to truth.

Ikoli was awarded the Officer of the Order of the British Empire (OBE) in 1954 and lived to witness Nigeria’s independence on October 1, 1960, before passing away weeks later on October 21.

Today, his memory is preserved through scholarly works, the Bayelsa State “Earnest Ikoli Press Centre, and the Ernest Sisei Ikoli Foundation in Lagos, reinforcing Eselemor’s argument advanced in Ogbe-Ijoh, Warri — that the story of Nigerian journalism remains incomplete without acknowledging its Ijaw pioneers.

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Ajapa Field MOU: Ogulagha Stakeholders Call for Review, Transparency and Alignment with Current Realities

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By Charity Ebi

OGULAGHA, DELTA STATE — Nearly two decades after a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) was signed between Britannia-U Nigeria Limited and Ogulagha Kingdom in Burutu Local Government Area, stakeholders in the oil-bearing community are calling for a comprehensive review of the agreement to reflect present-day economic and industry realities.

The 2007 MOU, tied to operations at the Ajapa Marginal Field, was introduced as a framework for peace, development and mutual benefit. However, community representatives say that while the agreement may have appeared workable at inception, its fixed financial structure has been overtaken by inflation, rising oil revenues and evolving governance standards within Nigeria’s petroleum sector.

Addressing journalists on behalf of stakeholders, Mr. Jude Iyelagha stressed that the concerns being raised should not be misconstrued as an attack on the integrity of Ogulagha’s traditional or political leadership.

“This is not an attempt to indict or insult the credibility of our revered leaders,” Iyelagha clarified. “Rather, it is an encouragement for leaders to revisit the well-documented terms, review them in line with current realities, and ensure they are fully implemented for the benefit of our people.”

Modest Provisions, Expanding Industry

Under the MOU, provisions reportedly included annual allocations for community drugs, scholarships for secondary and tertiary students, training slots at the Petroleum Training Institute (PTI), allowances for trainees, incentives for science teachers and sitting allowances for kingdom committee meetings.

While these figures may have been considered reasonable in 2007, stakeholders argue that their real value has significantly diminished over time due to inflation. Crucially, the sums were fixed and not indexed to oil prices, production output or inflationary trends.

Using conservative production estimates common to marginal fields in the Niger Delta, observers note that annual gross revenues from such operations could run into tens of billions of naira. When juxtaposed with community allocations that reportedly totalled only a few million naira annually at inception, the proportional disparity becomes a central point of concern.

For residents, the issue is less about confrontation and more about fairness.

Development Expectations in a Resource-Rich Area

Ogulagha Kingdom remains one of the oil-producing hubs in Delta State. Yet stakeholders point to ongoing challenges including limited healthcare facilities, youth unemployment, fragile road networks, environmental vulnerability and constrained access to higher education funding.

Community leaders argue that development in oil-bearing areas should translate into tangible infrastructure such as modern health centres, shoreline protection projects, potable water systems, vocational training hubs and structured employment pipelines.

“The frustration is not hostility towards investment,” a stakeholder noted. “It is about proportionality and visible impact.”

Shareholding Claims and Transparency Concerns

Beyond the MOU, a more complex issue has emerged. Leaders within the kingdom assert that Ogulagha may not only be a host community but also a registered shareholder in the Ajapa Marginal Field structure, allegedly documented with the Corporate Affairs Commission.

If such shareholding exists, corporate law provides for certain rights, including access to audited financial statements, notice of Annual General Meetings and entitlement to dividends where declared.

Stakeholders claim that consistent access to production data, audited accounts and dividend clarity has not been fully established, raising questions about governance participation.

Again, Iyelagha emphasised that the intention is not to cast aspersions.

“We believe in dialogue and institutional engagement. What we are asking for is clarity, transparency and alignment with statutory expectations where applicable,” he said.

Petroleum Industry Act and Changing Standards

Analysts observe that the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) has introduced more structured host community frameworks and governance mechanisms. Agreements executed before the reform era, they argue, may require review to align with contemporary standards of transparency and proportionality.

Stakeholders maintain that revisiting the 2007 framework would not only protect the long-term interests of the kingdom but also strengthen investor-community relations.

Company Response Awaited

Efforts to obtain official comments from Britannia-U Nigeria Limited were unsuccessful at the time of filing this report. The company’s response, when received, will be reflected in subsequent updates.

For now, the central appeal from Ogulagha stakeholders is measured and deliberate: a call for leaders to examine documented agreements, align them with present realities, and ensure that promises made translate into visible, sustainable benefits for the kingdom.

As one community voice put it, “Oil is finite, but our people and our future must endure.”

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How Ugandan Healers Performed Successful Cesarean Sections in 19th Century – Archived Records

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By Favour Bibaikefie

Historical medical records have revealed that indigenous surgeons in the Buganda Kingdom of present-day Uganda were successfully carrying out cesarean sections as early as 1879 — a period when the procedure was still considered highly risky in many parts of Europe.

The account was documented by British medical practitioner and explorer Robert William Felkin, who witnessed and later published details of the operation in the Edinburgh Medical Journal in 1884 under the title “Notes on Labour in Central Africa.”

According to Felkin’s observations, the procedure involved the use of banana wine as a cleansing agent, herbal preparations to manage pain, and cauterization with heated metal to control bleeding. Both mother and child reportedly survived the surgery — an outcome that drew significant attention from European medical circles at the time.

Felkin described the process as orderly and deliberate, noting that the practitioners demonstrated familiarity with anatomy, sterilization methods available to them, and post-operative care. The documentation challenged prevailing 19th-century assumptions that advanced surgical knowledge was absent in African societies before colonial contact.

Medical historians note that cesarean sections in Europe during the mid-1800s were often fatal due to infection and limited antiseptic knowledge. Antiseptic surgical techniques only became widely accepted in Europe toward the late 19th century following developments associated with figures such as Joseph Lister.

Scholars argue that the Buganda example illustrates a broader pattern of indigenous scientific knowledge that predated colonial rule. In his work, historian highlighted the complexity of African societies prior to European intervention, disputing narratives that framed the continent as lacking innovation or structured knowledge systems.

Experts say the 1879 account underscores the need for a more balanced historical perspective — one that acknowledges Africa’s contributions to medicine, technology, and empirical science long before formal Western medical institutions expanded into the continent.

The rediscovery and renewed discussion of such records continue to prompt debates about how global scientific history is written — and whose knowledge systems are recognized.

Source: African Echo

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