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E-EDITIONS COLUMNS July 20, 2023. Student Loans Law: Tinubu’s Populist and Half-baked Policy, By Olu Fasan.

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E-EDITIONS
COLUMNS July 20, 2023

Student loans law: Tinubu’s populist and half-baked policy, By
Olu Fasan

BOLA Tinubu,Nigeria’s new president, was determined to hit the ground running from his first day in office. He was haunted by the ghost of his somnolent predecessor, Muhammadu Buhari, who sat desultorily on his hands, doing nothing for the first six months of his administration in 2015. Unlike Buhari, who was called, and relished being called, “Baba Go Slow”, Tinubu has been called, and enjoys being called,“Baba Go Fast”! But, in governance, going fast can be as bad as, even worse than, going slow.

This is because good government depends on good policy making, and good policy making requires thoughtfulness, proper planning and a comprehensive analysis of the problem. However, Tinubu has shown a penchant for populist and half-baked policies. Populist, because they’re eye-catching and intended to show he cares about ordinary people; half-baked, because they’re poorly thought through, and defy basic rules of good policymaking.

Recently, I criticized Tinubu’s arbitrary withdrawal of the fuel subsidy without proper planning and consultation. The subsidy removal has not only affected the “rich”, but, more so, the poor, who bear the brunt of the pass-through costs through sky-rocketing inflation that will further immiserate them. But what did Tinubu do? Last week, he announced a N500 billion “palliatives” to give N8,000 to 12 million people monthly for six months.

First, how did Tinubu arrive at the 12 million figure when 133 million Nigerians are multidimensionally poor? Second, what would N8,000 per month do for a poor Nigerian, with an ever-rising cost of living? And third, why six months? The fuel subsidy removal would save the government $10bn, over N8 trillion, per year. But Tinubu wants to give 12 million Nigerians a measly N8,000 per month for six months. Faced with a backlash, he’s now reportedly reviewing the palliatives. It’s a damning indictment of his rash governing style.

Which brings us to the student loans policy. Tinubu signed the Student Loans (Access to Higher Education) Bill into law on June 12. In a four-part article in this newspaper, entitled “Education loan for students by President Tinubu”, the legal icon and renowned educationist Chief Afe Babalola, SAN, founder of Afe Babalola University, extensively examined the new law and gave it the thumbs down! Chief Babalola’s analysis is unassailable.

For me, the act confirms a pattern of deceptive populism and half-baked policy making. Indeed, Tinubu, who has long been part of Nigeria’s problem, and whose party has misruled Nigeria since 2015, is now insulting Nigerians with deceptive invocations of populism. Recently, he said he would “recover Nigeria from vested interests”, citing the student loans act as evidence of how he’s doing so.

But if the student-loans law is, indeed, intended to support indigent students, then it’s a bad law and an ill-conceived, harebrained policy. Yet, Dele Alake, Tinubu’s special adviser on “special duty, media, communication and strategy”, said: “This is how it is done in other developed climes.” Really? How many student-loans laws in other countries did the Tinubu administration study before introducing its own flawed legislation?

First, there’s no evidence of a comprehensive analysis of the problem. Giving loans to poor students in a tertiary education system that lacks the resources and capacity to produce employable graduates is misguided. With graduate unemployment ranging between 40 and 60 per cent, depending on whether the qualification is a degree or an HND, poor students would be saddled with huge debts with little prospects of getting a proper job after graduation to pay them back.

In the UK, the student loans scheme was linked to raising the tuition fee to £9,250 per year, allowing universities to generate more income. And as they generated more income, they spent it on enhancing teaching, research and the student experience, resulting in better qualified and employable graduates. So, giving loans to poor students without significantly resourcing and improving Nigeria’s tertiary institutions would simply increase student population and graduate unemployment. Furthermore, a student loan that covers only tuition, as the act says, and not maintenance, as in the UK, doesn’t really help the poor!

Then, there’s the utter deception. The act says its aim is to “provide easy access to higher education for indigent students”. Yet, it puts major obstacles in their way. First, an applicant’s family annual income must be less than N500,000. Every good policy is inclusive, excluding no sections of society from its benefit. But Tinubu’s student loans policy excludes millions of poor families: a family is now considered rich in Nigeria if its annual income is N500,000 ($650)!

Ridiculously, every applicant must also produce two guarantors. Tell me, in a country where getting anything virtually depends on connections or palm-greasing, why should an indigent parent or student be burdened with looking for a senior civil servant, a senior lawyer, a judicial officer or a justice of peace as guarantors?

What’s more, if an applicant has a parent who has defaulted in respect of a student loan or any other loan, he or she would be disqualified. Thus, Tinubu visits the sins of parents on their children. Furthermore, an applicant would be disqualified if he or she has been convicted of drug offences. How ironic, given that Tinubu himself was entangled in a drug related matter in the US.

Here’s the point. The eligibility and disqualification conditions in the act negate the so-called aim “to provide easy access to higher education for indigent Nigerians.” So is the exclusion of students in private tertiary institutions from benefitting from the loan. In the UK, tuition fee loans are for all students, while maintenance loans and grants are means tested. If the Tinubu government cannot afford a universal student loans scheme, it shouldn’t create such a discriminatory scheme that excludes large sections of society. That’s bad policy and may be even unconstitutional, as some senior lawyers argue!

Outrageously, the act provides that a student-loan defaulter “shall be liable to imprisonment for two years or a fine of N500,000”. How many of the politically-connected farmers who defaulted in their Anchor Borrowers’ Programme loans are in jail? No civilised society treats student-loan default as a jailable offence. Besides, student loans are not conventional loans, hence many governments make provisions for cancellation. Yet, Tinubu trumpets his perverse student loans act as an achievement. It betrays his deceptive populism and penchant for capricious, ill-judged policymaking. Call it bad governance

Editorial

Amaseikumor Festival: A Cultural Renaissance Rooted in Spiritual Heritage and Regional Influence

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The grand finale of the 2026 edition of the Amaseikumor Festival, held on April 11 in the historic Ijaw city of Oporoza, once again reaffirmed the enduring relevance of cultural heritage as both a spiritual compass and a socio-economic catalyst. The week-long celebration, hosted in the traditional headquarters of the Gbaramatu Kingdom in Warri South West Local Government Area of Delta State, brought together a remarkable blend of tradition, spirituality, and modern influence.

For centuries, the Amaseikumor masquerade has stood as a profound symbol of Ijaw cosmology—representing purification, justice, and communal renewal. Its 2026 outing like every other, was not merely a festival but a reaffirmation of identity, echoing the deep-rooted sagacity and spiritual consciousness of the Gbaramatu kingdom and indeed, Ijaw people.

Cultural Significance Beyond Celebration

In recent years, the Amaseikumor Festival has evolved beyond a local cultural display into a major national and international attraction. It has significantly contributed to the resurgence of cultural tourism in the Niger Delta and beyond. Observers note that the festival aligns with broader efforts across Nigeria to preserve indigenous traditions while harnessing them for economic growth.

The masquerade, often described as “the cleanser of the Ijaw nation,” embodies a sacred mission. Its symbolic procession—accompanied by a subordinate “sweeper” masquerade—is believed to cleanse the land of negativity, including conflict, disease, and misfortune. This spiritual interpretation resonates strongly with adherents who view the festival as a divine intervention in societal affairs.

Convergence of Influence and Prestige

The 2026 edition witnessed an impressive gathering of dignitaries across sectors. Among notable attendees were the Governor of Delta State ably represented by his Deputy, Chief Monday Oyeme among many high-level dignitaries from the National Assembly, traditional institutions and more. It remains cogent on record that previous editions have attracted globally celebrated leaders like former Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan, traditional rulers including His Imperial Majesty , Oba Enitan Ogunwusi, the revered Ooni of ancient Ife, political leaders, captains of industry, and globally recognized entertainers.

From the entertainment world, figures such as Davido and Nkem Owoh added glamour to the event, while business magnates and industry leaders underscored its economic relevance. This convergence of influence highlights the festival’s growing stature as a melting pot of culture, commerce, and leadership.

Spirituality and Socio-Economic Impact

Beyond the spectacle lies a deeply spiritual narrative that continues to shape the beliefs and aspirations of many. Devotees attribute personal and communal successes to the influence of the Amaseikumor tradition. Prominent figures such as Government Ekpemupolo, Dennis Otuaro, and Kestin Pondi are often cited as embodiments of the blessings associated with the cultural institution.

While such claims remain matters of faith, there is no denying the festival’s tangible contributions to local economies. Increased visitor inflow stimulates hospitality, transportation, and small-scale commerce, creating opportunities for residents and boosting regional visibility.

A Call for Sustained Cultural Investment and National Adoption

The Amaseikumor Festival stands as a compelling case for the preservation and promotion of indigenous heritage. As Nigeria continues to navigate “glocalization,” cultural assets like Amaseikumor offer a unique avenue for national branding, unity, and economic diversification. It is therefore a good time to call on the Federal Government through its Ministry of Culture and Tourism to adopt Amaseikumor as a “National Festival” taking advantage of not only its reach cultural brand but also the territorial ambience and serenity of the Niger Delta swamps and Atlantic coastlines to attract tourists from across the world.

Other stakeholders—state government, private sector, and cultural custodians—must therefore prioritize investment in infrastructure, security, and documentation to sustain and expand the festival’s impact. Proper structuring could elevate it to the status of globally recognized cultural festivals.

Road to Amaseikumor 2027

As the echoes of drums fade and the masquerade retreats into sacred seclusion, one message remains clear: Amaseikumor is more than a festival—it is a living tradition, a spiritual institution, and a beacon of cultural pride fro the blessedlyproud Ijaw people in general and the Gbaramatus in particular.

For those seeking authentic cultural reconnection, spiritual reflection, and a convergence of Nigeria’s finest across sectors, Oporoza remains an unmatched destination. With anticipation already building for the next edition, the legacy of Amaseikumor continues to grow—rooted in the past, thriving in the present, and poised for a global future.

 

Written by:

Prince (Dr.) Peretengboro Klintin Bibaikefie

Editor-in-Chief, IduwiniVoice

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Editorial

The Manifold Splendours of the Amaseikumor Festival.

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By Ben. Binebai

The Amaseikumor Festival is a magnificent tapestry of tradition, a veritable confluence where the sacred and the secular entwine in exquisite harmony. It is, in its quintessence, a festival of purity—an unblemished rite that scours the soul of the land. It is a festival of culture, wherein the ancient cadences of our forebears find renewed utterance; a festival of spiritual rejuvenation, where weary spirits are anointed anew at the altar of ancestral grace.

Amaseikumor is a festival that has its megastar hanging and shinning brighly in the sky, a festival of peace, of unity, and of prosperity—a trinity of virtues that, like a masterfully composed triad, adorns the communal soul. It is a festival of love and fraternity, a luminous bridge between man and the legendary animist beings who, from time immemorial, have watched over our creeks and forests. Indeed, it erects intertidal bridges—linking epochs, lineages, and realms—whilst standing as a clarion of cultural affirmation and religious awakening. Here, the covenant betwixt mortals and the divine is not merely remembered but vivified; a healthful and functional communion with the gods is both established and exalted.

The festival bears the imprimatur of the heavens, most memorably during its revival years. In the wondrous year of 2018, when I was accorded the rare and humbling privilege of delivering a lecture, the firmament itself bore witness: thunder intoned its celestial approbation, the heavens darkened in reverent solemnity, and delicate droplets—veritable tears of divine joy—descended upon the congregants. That epiphanic moment was greeted with an impromptu Ogele, as the gallant youths of Gbaramatu, moved by an ecstasy beyond articulation, gave voice to the rapture of the land.

As the parent festival of Gbaramatu, Amaseikumor is not merely a ritual observance; it is a living vestige heritage, a guiding star of identity, and a festival imbued with prodigious tourism potential. To behold it is to witness culture in its most numinous and unadulterated form—a grand pageant where myth, memory, and modernity dance in perennial embrace.

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Editorial

Is Dubai A Country? Inside the Seven Kingdoms of the United Arab Emirates

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By: Editorial Team

The United Arab Emirates (UAE), often hailed as a beacon of modern development in the Middle East, is a federation of seven emirates—each with its own distinct history, ruler, and cultural identity. Since its unification in 1971, the UAE has stood as a rare example of how traditional monarchies can collaborate to build a stable and globally respected nation.

At the heart of the federation lies Abu Dhabi, the capital and largest emirate, known for its vast oil wealth and political influence. The Al Nahyan family, which leads Abu Dhabi, has played a central role in shaping the UAE’s national vision and foreign policy. The current President of the UAE traditionally comes from this emirate, underscoring its leadership within the union.

Dubai, the shining star of the federation, represents ambition and innovation. Under the leadership of the Al Maktoum family, Dubai has transformed from a desert outpost into a global hub for finance, tourism, and technology. Its breathtaking skyline, led by the Burj Khalifa, has become a symbol of Arab progress and resilience.

Moving beyond the two powerhouses, Sharjah distinguishes itself as the cultural and educational capital of the UAE. Led by the Al Qasimi family, it has preserved the emirates’ artistic heritage while promoting academic excellence through its numerous universities and museums.

The smaller emirates-Ajman, Umm Al-Quwain, Ras Al Khaimah, and Fujairah-each add unique character and strength to the federation. Ajman, the smallest, thrives on trade and manufacturing; Umm Al-Quwain offers a peaceful charm along its quiet shores; Ras Al Khaimah, nestled against the Hajar Mountains, is known for its natural beauty and growing industrial base; and Fujairah, facing the Gulf of Oman, plays a strategic maritime role in the region’s economy.

Despite their differences in size and resources, the seven emirates remain bound by shared values, mutual respect, and visionary leadership.Their collective success story reflects not only unity but also the ability to balance tradition with progress.

Over five decades after its founding, the UAE continues to prove that cooperation among monarchies can yield a modern, forward-looking state-one that honors its past while boldly stepping into the future. The federation’s model of governance offers an enduring lesson in leadership, stability, and nation-building in a region often defined by division.

Photo Credit: shuterstock

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