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Nicaragua: The Sandinista Revolution cools off, by Owei Lakemfa
Nicaragua: The Sandinista Revolution cools off, by Owei Lakemfa
IT was stunning. If it were a football match, it would have been said to be against the run of play. Nicaraguan youths who had risen against the brutal regime of Anastazio Somoza Debayle, on July 17, 1979, rode into Managua putting an end to the reign of the United States-backed butcher. Somoza was so bestial that even his main backer had to publicly distance itself from him.
Somoza fled to Asuncion, Paraguay, but the unrelenting Nicaraguan youths sent a seven-person commando team of three ladies and four men after him. On September 17, 1980, the commandos in the “Operation Reptile” shot a RPG-7 rocket launcher into his car. The former dictator was burned beyond recognition and forensics had to identify him through his feet.
It was also the height of the Cold War, and these youths who called themselves Sandinistas made it clear they were carrying out a peoples revolution like was done 20 years earlier in Cuba by revolutionaries like Fidel Castro, Ernesto Che Guevera, Celia Sanchez, Haydee Santamaria and Camilo Cienfuegos.
The Sandinistas took their name from Augusto Ceaser Sandina, the Nicaraguan patriot who led the rebellion against the United States invasion of the country from 1922 – 1934.
The US would not tolerate youths in what it regarded as its backyard not just to defeat a pro-American regime, but also to be pro-East. It decided to crush the revolution, and had the means to do so, except that the Nicaraguan population were in full support of these patriotic youths.
Since Nicaraugua relied a lot on American donations, the US decided on three strategies. First, was to starve the Nicaraguan population into submission by stopping all American aid and imposing punitive sanctions that would not allow the country to trade. Secondly, it decided on outright terrorism by laying mines in Nicaraguan civilian ports and blowing up anchored ships. Thirdly, it established a mercenary force which included counter- revolutionaries. This force, established by 1981, was called the Contras.
Since the Regan administration could not legitimately use US resources to fund the Contra terrorists, it decided to illegally sell arms to Iran which itself was under sanction, and use the proceeds to fund the Contras. This racket, run by US Colonel Oliver North, became known as the Iran-Contra Scandal.
Given the multiple attacks by the US, a starving population which was unable to farm due to the banditry activities of the Contras, the Sandinistas made a call to the world to come to Nicaragua’s aid. There was a world-wide response with people making various donations but Nicaragua needed more. It needed its youth population to be free to battle the Contras, but they were also needed on the farms and, to carry out rural community development. So, the Sandinistas directly appealed to the youths of the world to come over to Nicaragua and assist.
Youths from various countries formed International Brigades and began making their way to Nicaragua to defend the popular revolution. It was reminiscent of the International Youth Brigades that poured into Spain to fight for the Spanish Revolution of 1936 against fascists and extreme right forces. The latter were supported by Hitler’s Germany, Musolini’s Italy with US, Britain and their allies claiming neutrality. That war was the dress rehearsal for the Second World War and the victory of the fascists in 1939 led to that war.
This time, the Nicaraguans were not asking the international youths to pick up the gun, but naturally, they would need to defend themselves if attacked.
The Sandinistas were quite popular in Africa, particularly Nigeria. In fact, one of the then leading student leaders, Femi Ahmed, later Pastor Femi Israel, adopted the sobriquet, Sandinista. There were many Nigerians youths ready to travel and defend the Sandinista Revolution. But Nicaragua was quite far and there were no ready funds to pay for flight tickets.
So, two youths were picked to go represent Nigerian youths. One of them was Miss Ngozi Ojidoh, later Mrs Iwere. She was a French Language student of the Bayero University, Kano. She had been the Public Relations Officer of the National Association of Nigerian Students, NANS.
The other was the ‘indestructible’ Shola Mic Olorunyomi who had been President of the University of Ilorin Students Union. They joined other international youths in Nicaragua, and gave a good account of the resilience and commitment of Nigerian youths.
The Nicaraguan Revolution produced some of the most romantic revolutionaries of the 20th Century. There was Tomas Borge who in 1961 had, along with Carlos Fonseca and Silvio Mayorga, formed the Sandinista National Liberation Front. Fonseca and Mayorga died in combat, but Borge witnessed the revolution and became the Interior Minister. On April 30, 2012, he marched on at 81.
There was Nora Astorga, whose captivating story I told in my March16, 2018 tribute titled, “Nora Astorga: A Woman Like No Other.” In 1978, as a successful 30-year-old lawyer, she lured the Deputy Commander of the Nicaraguan National Guard, General Reynaldo Perez Vega, to a secret rendezvous where he died trying to resist arrest by a Sandinista commando unit.
When after the revolution she was appointed Ambassador to the US, the Americans rejected her appointment. So, the Nicaraguans appointed her their Deputy Permanent Representative to the United Nations, at which point the Americans had no choice but issue her a visa. On February 14, 1988, she fell to cervical cancer.
One of the most romantic Sandinista revolutionaries was the Catholic Priest, Miguel d’Escoto, who rose to become President of the United Nations General Assembly in the 2008/2009 Session, and significantly, the Libyan Permanent Representative to the United Nations in 2011.
He had revealed he was a Sandista rebel in 1977. Two years later, when the revolution was carried out, he became the Foreign Minister, a position he held for eleven years. Pope John Paul II had, in 1985, suspended him and two other priests, the brothers Ernesto and Fernando Cardenal, for serving in the revolutionary government. The suspension was lifted 29 years later by Pope Francis. Father d’Escoto passed on June 8, 2017 at 84.
Another set of brothers the revolution threw up were Daniel Ortega, who became President, and Humberto Ortega who was Chief of Army Staff. They reminded me of the Cuban brothers, Fidel and Raul Castro who held similar positions in their county.
However, unlike the Castro brothers whose comradeship was life-long, the Ortega brothers later split. Daniel led the country from 1979 -1990. Lost elections but was re-elected in 2006, and, again in 2021. Humberto felt that his brother should unite the entire country through tolerance and dialogue. On September 30, 2024, Humberto took his leave; his passage came at a time the Sandinista Revolution had cooled off.
By Benedict Binebai
Manipulative history often distorts the truth by presenting a biased interpretation of events, omitting key facts, and misrepresenting evidence to fit a specific narrative or ideology. This can be achieved through propaganda, simplification, or stereotyping, which can be used to influence opinions or beliefs.The Itsekiri history of Warri justifies the subheadings of manipulative history in the following ways:
Biased Interpretation
The Itsekiri narrative often portrays themselves as the sole founders and owners of Warri, downplaying the roles and contributions of other communities, such as the Urhobo and Ijaw. This selective presentation of facts supports a predetermined narrative of Itsekiri dominance and ownership.
Omission of Key Facts
The Itsekiri narrative often omits or glosses over the historical conflicts and power struggles between the Itsekiri and other communities, such as the Urhobo and Ijaw. This omission of key facts creates an incomplete and inaccurate picture of Warri’s history.
Distortion of Evidence
The Itsekiri narrative often misrepresents or manipulates historical evidence to support their claims to dominance and ownership. For example, they may emphasize their historical relationships with European colonizers to justify their perceived superiority over other communities.
Propaganda
The narrative often uses emotive language and loaded terminology to influence readers’ opinions or beliefs. For example, they use terms like “founding fathers” or “traditional owners” to emphasize their perceived historical rights and privileges.
Simplification or Stereotyping
The Itsekiri narrative often oversimplifies the complex historical relationships between the Itsekiri and other communities, portraying themselves as the sole beneficiaries of Western education, Christianity, and modernization. This oversimplification perpetuates negative stereotypes about other communities and reinforces Itsekiri exceptionalism.
Lack of Transparency
The Itsekiri narrative often lacks transparency regarding its sources, methods, and potential biases. This lack of transparency makes it difficult to evaluate the historical narrative critically and identify potential manipulations or distortions.
Emotional Manipulation
The Itsekiri narrative often uses emotive appeals or sensationalism to elicit a specific response or reaction from readers. For example, they may emphasize their historical cultural heritage or traditional practices to evoke a sense of nostalgia or pride, while downplaying the cultural heritage and traditions of other communities.
By examining the Itsekiri history of Warri through these subheadings, it becomes clear that the narrative exhibits characteristics of manipulative history, which can be used to justify a particular agenda or ideology.
Consequences of Manipulative History
Manipulative history can have far-reaching consequences, including the perpetuation of biases and stereotypes, justification of oppression or dominance, and erosion of trust in historical narratives and institutions. By distorting the past, manipulative history can create a false narrative that supports a particular agenda or ideology, leading to ongoing social and cultural tensions. This can contribute to polarization and conflict, as certain groups may feel marginalized or excluded from the dominant narrative.
The consequences of manipulative history can also be seen in the loss of cultural heritage and the undermining of critical thinking. By erasing or distorting certain narratives or perspectives, manipulative history can lead to a lack of understanding and appreciation for the complexities of the past. Furthermore, manipulative history can inform poor decision-making and policy development in the present, as inaccurate lessons are drawn from a distorted past. Ultimately, manipulative history can have a profound impact on our understanding of ourselves and our place in the world, highlighting the importance of promoting accurate and nuanced historical narratives.
Column – IduwiniVoice
Where falsehood reigns for decades, truth can reign everlastingly. This underscores the enduring power of truth, even in the face of prolonged deception. This notion is particularly pertinent in contexts where misinformation and falsehoods have been deeply ingrained in societal narratives, such as in the case of the “Warri Falsehood” and the “Warri Truth.” Here, the city of Warri in Nigeria serves as a microcosm for the struggle between falsehood and truth, where decades of misrepresentation and distortion can be challenged by the emergence of authentic voices and narratives.
The Warri Falsehood may manifest in various forms, including historical revisionism, cultural appropriation, or the suppression of marginalised voices. For instance, the dominant narratives surrounding Warri’s history and culture may have been shaped by those in positions of power, often to the detriment of the city’s indigenous communities. However, the Warri Truth represents a counter-narrative that seeks to reclaim and reassert the authentic experiences and perspectives of the region’s people. This truth-telling can take many forms, including art, literature, and oral traditions.
The struggle between the Warri Falsehood and the Warri Truth is not merely an academic or intellectual exercise; it has real-world implications for the people of Warri and beyond. When falsehoods are allowed to reign unchecked, they can perpetuate harm, injustice, and inequality. Conversely, the emergence of truth can be a powerful catalyst for healing, reconciliation, and social change. By amplifying the voices and stories of marginalised communities, the Warri Truth can help to create a more nuanced and accurate understanding of the region’s history and culture.
Ultimately, the triumph of truth over falsehood requires a sustained commitment to critical inquiry, cultural preservation, and community engagement. As the people of Warri and other affected communities continue to challenge dominant narratives and assert their own truths, they can create a more just and equitable society. By embracing the complexities and diversity of their experiences, the Warri Truth can reign everlastingly, providing a powerful testament to the enduring power of authenticity and resilience.
Truth is God’s greatest virtue of existence; let us respect and celebrate it.
Igumugumu
Prof. Benedict Binebai
The chains that bind us come in many forms – oppression, ignorance, fear. They weigh us down, restrict our potential, and silence our voices. But there is a powerful force that can shatter these chains: truth. When we confront the truth, no matter how difficult or uncomfortable, we begin to break free from the shackles that hold us back.
Truth has a way of illuminating the darkest corners of our minds and societies. It exposes the lies, the injustices, and the inequalities that perpetuate our bondage. As we embrace the truth, we gain the strength and courage to challenge the status quo, to demand change, and to fight for our rights. The chains that once bound us begin to weaken, and we start to feel the warmth of freedom’s breeze on our skin.
Breaking chains with truth is not a one-time event; it’s a continuous process. It requires vigilance, determination, and a commitment to seeking knowledge and understanding. As we uncover more truths, we become more empowered to take control of our lives, to make informed decisions, and to shape our own destinies. The chains that once held us captive begin to crumble, and we emerge stronger, wiser, and more resilient.
When we break chains with truth, we not only liberate ourselves, but also inspire others to do the same. Our stories, our experiences, and our triumphs become beacons of hope for those still trapped in the darkness of ignorance and oppression. As we march forward, hand in hand, truth becomes the rallying cry that unites us in our quest for freedom, justice, and equality. Together, we can shatter the chains that bind us and forge a brighter, more enlightened future.