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SOUTH-SOUTH DEVELOPMENT COMMISSION: GOOD FOR THE REGION, NOT THE BEST FOR IJAW NATION
SOUTH-SOUTH DEVELOPMENT COMMISSION: GOOD FOR THE REGION, NOT THE BEST FOR IJAW NATION
By Tobouke JEMINE
My recent intimation with a video clip of the
the immediate past Governor of Bayelsa State and current Senator Representing Bayelsa West, Chief Henry Seriake Dickson, in which he was advocating for the establishment of a South-South Development Commission, chased the natural guest of the night from my bedroom — an issue I’ve often pondered.
Sen. Dickson eloquently clarified that Commissions like OMPADEC and the NDDC were established to meet the demands of resource-based areas, and went on to cite states like Abia, Imo, and Ondo, which are not part of the South-South region, but are beneficiaries of commissions like the NDDC.
Our legislators may give their stamp of approval to this Bill. But I do not think that, at this point, South-South Development Commission should be prioritized by the Izon-blooded Legislators in the national halls of lawmakers. I see something better, and I hope, they will see something far better.
I take this diversion from the Templates of Our Socio-Political and Economic History. HISTORY is replete with the enormous sacrifices the IJAW NATION has been making on behalf of the ethnic nationalities in the SOUTH-SOUTH and the NIGERDELTA as a whole, right from the days of anti-colonialism. Our revered father, Chief Harold Dappa-Biriye was in his twenties when he began to fight the cause of the minorities of the Niger-Delta.
Pa Dappa-Biriye was a prominent figure in the fight for minority rights in the Niger Delta region. He founded the Niger Delta Congress, a socio-political organization aimed at uniting the ethnic nationalities of the Niger Delta to achieve economic and political autonomy . In response to the agitations he spearheaded, in 1957, the British Government appointed Sir Henry Willink, a British lawyer and constitutional expert to look into the concerns and fears of the minorities of the emerging nation.
The establishment of the Niger Delta Development Board and the creation of Rivers State in 1967 were offsprings of the sweats and blood of the Harold Dappa-Biriyes, and the Isaac Boros of the Ijaw Nation. They championed the rights of all the ethnic groups in the Niger Delta.
Adaka Boro did not call his Fidel-Castroic dream Ijaw Republic, but he called its THE NIGER-DELTA REPUBLIC, giving emphatic facts to the Fact that the IJAW MAN is accommodating, hospitable, and inclusive in his socio-political orientation. But have we being receiving symbiotic responses for our age- long brotherly kindness?
Consider the civil and environmental rights movement of Kenule Saro-Wiwa! His legacy is tied to the struggles of the Ogoni people. His identification with the plights and agonies of the Ogonis, rather than the broader Niger Delta region did immense justice to the Ogoni Bill of Rights. The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), gained international recognition because Saro-Wiwa was visionary, focused, specific and single-coloured in his strides for the Survival and Liberty of his people.
That Ogoniland is still in the wilderness is not the making of Saro-Wiwa, but the making of men and women who are not brave enough, who are not willing to respond to the mantle of Ken Saro-Wiwa.
But my main task here is to point out that the IJAW NATION SHOULD PRIORITIZE SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT UNDER THE IJAW IDENTITY, rather than solely associating with the broader Niger Delta or South-South regions. This distinction would allow the Ijaw people to address their unique challenges and advocate for their specific interests.
Today, we can tell that all the agencies that the Nigerian government has been creating to address our challenges and plights, even before the British flag was hoisted, have yielded no sustainable results in our lives and lands; our neighbours who did not identify with our lethal agitation for freedom and development are now fighting to occupy the Oval Office of the Presidential Amnesty Programme, and We’ve been mocked and relegated to the back pew in Rivers — a state that flowed into existence through our rivers and rivulets of sweats and blood.
Caution: shouldn’t we re-assess our actions, retrace our steps, return to our ancestral harmony, ocean of sagacity and put the IZON HOUSE inorder before we continue to play the Big Brother role in the affairs of the Niger Delta and the South-South?
WE SHOULD AGITATE FOR RIVERINE NIGER DELTA DEVELOPMENT MINISTRY.
Or better still, to be more specific, RIVERINE NIGER-DELTA INFRASTRUCTURAL DEVELOPMENT COMMISSION.
To the Ijaw Nation, I say this, and you do not need to be told that 95% of Ijaw People live in the aquatic, marine, littoral, and coastal regions of the earth of Africa.
But establishing Aquatic Niger Delta Development Commission is a first-layer solution to the developmental challenges of Ijawland. The lack of infrastructures in our communities cannot be effectively tackled by the realities in the Nigerian system. STATE creation and the implementations of the Recommendations of the Mitee-Led Technical Committee on the Niger Delta are the PANACEA to our plights.
If, in this nation, a people are clamouring for a Separate Sun for the East, what strong reasons do we have not to seek and knock for the righteousness of Toru-Ebe and Oil Rivers States? But we are here in the name of Development Commission…
Hence, we appeal to the Sen.Seriake Dicksons of Bayelsa West, the Hon. Donald Ojogos of Ilaje/Ese-Odo Federal Constituency in Ondo State, the Sen. Ipalibo Banigos of Rivers West Senatorial District, the Hon. Julius Pondis of Burutu Federal Constituency in Delta State, and their legislative comrades across the creeks and wetlands of the Niger Delta to work in unison and bring this Great Bill into fruition.
Justice!Peace!!! Progress!!! for Ijaw Nation.
© Tobouke Jemine
October 4, 2024
By Benedict Binebai
Manipulative history often distorts the truth by presenting a biased interpretation of events, omitting key facts, and misrepresenting evidence to fit a specific narrative or ideology. This can be achieved through propaganda, simplification, or stereotyping, which can be used to influence opinions or beliefs.The Itsekiri history of Warri justifies the subheadings of manipulative history in the following ways:
Biased Interpretation
The Itsekiri narrative often portrays themselves as the sole founders and owners of Warri, downplaying the roles and contributions of other communities, such as the Urhobo and Ijaw. This selective presentation of facts supports a predetermined narrative of Itsekiri dominance and ownership.
Omission of Key Facts
The Itsekiri narrative often omits or glosses over the historical conflicts and power struggles between the Itsekiri and other communities, such as the Urhobo and Ijaw. This omission of key facts creates an incomplete and inaccurate picture of Warri’s history.
Distortion of Evidence
The Itsekiri narrative often misrepresents or manipulates historical evidence to support their claims to dominance and ownership. For example, they may emphasize their historical relationships with European colonizers to justify their perceived superiority over other communities.
Propaganda
The narrative often uses emotive language and loaded terminology to influence readers’ opinions or beliefs. For example, they use terms like “founding fathers” or “traditional owners” to emphasize their perceived historical rights and privileges.
Simplification or Stereotyping
The Itsekiri narrative often oversimplifies the complex historical relationships between the Itsekiri and other communities, portraying themselves as the sole beneficiaries of Western education, Christianity, and modernization. This oversimplification perpetuates negative stereotypes about other communities and reinforces Itsekiri exceptionalism.
Lack of Transparency
The Itsekiri narrative often lacks transparency regarding its sources, methods, and potential biases. This lack of transparency makes it difficult to evaluate the historical narrative critically and identify potential manipulations or distortions.
Emotional Manipulation
The Itsekiri narrative often uses emotive appeals or sensationalism to elicit a specific response or reaction from readers. For example, they may emphasize their historical cultural heritage or traditional practices to evoke a sense of nostalgia or pride, while downplaying the cultural heritage and traditions of other communities.
By examining the Itsekiri history of Warri through these subheadings, it becomes clear that the narrative exhibits characteristics of manipulative history, which can be used to justify a particular agenda or ideology.
Consequences of Manipulative History
Manipulative history can have far-reaching consequences, including the perpetuation of biases and stereotypes, justification of oppression or dominance, and erosion of trust in historical narratives and institutions. By distorting the past, manipulative history can create a false narrative that supports a particular agenda or ideology, leading to ongoing social and cultural tensions. This can contribute to polarization and conflict, as certain groups may feel marginalized or excluded from the dominant narrative.
The consequences of manipulative history can also be seen in the loss of cultural heritage and the undermining of critical thinking. By erasing or distorting certain narratives or perspectives, manipulative history can lead to a lack of understanding and appreciation for the complexities of the past. Furthermore, manipulative history can inform poor decision-making and policy development in the present, as inaccurate lessons are drawn from a distorted past. Ultimately, manipulative history can have a profound impact on our understanding of ourselves and our place in the world, highlighting the importance of promoting accurate and nuanced historical narratives.
Column – IduwiniVoice
Where falsehood reigns for decades, truth can reign everlastingly. This underscores the enduring power of truth, even in the face of prolonged deception. This notion is particularly pertinent in contexts where misinformation and falsehoods have been deeply ingrained in societal narratives, such as in the case of the “Warri Falsehood” and the “Warri Truth.” Here, the city of Warri in Nigeria serves as a microcosm for the struggle between falsehood and truth, where decades of misrepresentation and distortion can be challenged by the emergence of authentic voices and narratives.
The Warri Falsehood may manifest in various forms, including historical revisionism, cultural appropriation, or the suppression of marginalised voices. For instance, the dominant narratives surrounding Warri’s history and culture may have been shaped by those in positions of power, often to the detriment of the city’s indigenous communities. However, the Warri Truth represents a counter-narrative that seeks to reclaim and reassert the authentic experiences and perspectives of the region’s people. This truth-telling can take many forms, including art, literature, and oral traditions.
The struggle between the Warri Falsehood and the Warri Truth is not merely an academic or intellectual exercise; it has real-world implications for the people of Warri and beyond. When falsehoods are allowed to reign unchecked, they can perpetuate harm, injustice, and inequality. Conversely, the emergence of truth can be a powerful catalyst for healing, reconciliation, and social change. By amplifying the voices and stories of marginalised communities, the Warri Truth can help to create a more nuanced and accurate understanding of the region’s history and culture.
Ultimately, the triumph of truth over falsehood requires a sustained commitment to critical inquiry, cultural preservation, and community engagement. As the people of Warri and other affected communities continue to challenge dominant narratives and assert their own truths, they can create a more just and equitable society. By embracing the complexities and diversity of their experiences, the Warri Truth can reign everlastingly, providing a powerful testament to the enduring power of authenticity and resilience.
Truth is God’s greatest virtue of existence; let us respect and celebrate it.
Igumugumu
Prof. Benedict Binebai
The chains that bind us come in many forms – oppression, ignorance, fear. They weigh us down, restrict our potential, and silence our voices. But there is a powerful force that can shatter these chains: truth. When we confront the truth, no matter how difficult or uncomfortable, we begin to break free from the shackles that hold us back.
Truth has a way of illuminating the darkest corners of our minds and societies. It exposes the lies, the injustices, and the inequalities that perpetuate our bondage. As we embrace the truth, we gain the strength and courage to challenge the status quo, to demand change, and to fight for our rights. The chains that once bound us begin to weaken, and we start to feel the warmth of freedom’s breeze on our skin.
Breaking chains with truth is not a one-time event; it’s a continuous process. It requires vigilance, determination, and a commitment to seeking knowledge and understanding. As we uncover more truths, we become more empowered to take control of our lives, to make informed decisions, and to shape our own destinies. The chains that once held us captive begin to crumble, and we emerge stronger, wiser, and more resilient.
When we break chains with truth, we not only liberate ourselves, but also inspire others to do the same. Our stories, our experiences, and our triumphs become beacons of hope for those still trapped in the darkness of ignorance and oppression. As we march forward, hand in hand, truth becomes the rallying cry that unites us in our quest for freedom, justice, and equality. Together, we can shatter the chains that bind us and forge a brighter, more enlightened future.